NPEA Air Wars WRS Insider Blog


Corzine, Dodd TV ads score below average
Chris Christie, Jon Corzine, Chris Dodd


Christie's Corruption-fighting Scores on TV
Chris Christie, Charlie Crist, DSCC, Marco Rubio, Health Justice, Terry McAuliffe


Air Wars Analysis March 26-31, 2009
Barack Obama, Jim Tedisco, Scott Murphy, Card Check, Harry Reid


Early GOP ad on stimulus uninspiring
Harry Reid, America's Power, Chamber of Commerce, Reality Coalition, American Rights At Work


Hastings Wyman, Southern Political Report 'Grits'
James Inhofe (R-OK), Tom Feeney (R-FL)


Air Wars Analysis September 29 - October 30, 2008
John McCain, Barack Obama, Tom Feeney (R FL), Tim Bee (R AZ), Chris Shays (R CT), Gabrielle Giffords (D AZ)


Air War: Feeneys mea culpa ad scores, honestly
John McCain, Barack Obama, Tom Feeney (R FL), Tim Bee (R AZ), Chris Shays (R CT), Gabrielle Giffords (D AZ)


Air Wars Analysis September 17, 2008
McCain, Palin, Obama, Dole (R-NC), Fimian (R-VA)


The Air War: "Coleman's shot at Franken's 'juicy porn' not quite a bull's-eye"
Barack Obama, John McCain, Ronnie Musgrove, Norm Coleman, Al Franken


The Hill: Air War: MoveOns Not Alex ad scores big with independents
MoveOn.org, Obama, McCain, Gordon Smith, Harri Anne Smith


Air Wars Analysis July 17, 2008
John McCain, Barrack Obama, Harri Anne Smith (R-AL), Gordon Smith (R-OR)


The Airwar: Warner keeps it going with first ad offering
Warner (D-VA), Dole (R-NC), Sununu (R-NH)


Air Wars Analysis, June 18, 2008
RNC, Sununu, NRSC, Warner, MoveOn.org


Air Wars Analysis, June 3, 2008
Barack Obama (D), John McCain (R), Bob Schaffer (R-CO), Mark Udall (D-CO), Jay Love (R-AL)


04-16-08 President
Barack Obama (D), John McCain (R)


11-18-07 President
Edwards(D), Clinton(D), Thompson(R), Paul(R)


03-18-08 3 a.m. ad unconvincing
Clinton


10-23-07 President
Obama(D), Clinton (D), McCain (R), Richardson (D), Romney (R)


9-21-07 President
Thompson (R)


8-22-07 The Best
and Worst
Campaign Ads
of 2006
(Winning Campaigns)


8-15-07 President
Anti-Huckabee
LA Gov
Jindal (R), Boasso (D)
MS Gov
Eaves (D)


7-24-07 President
Obama (D), Edwards (D)
KS 02
Anti-Jenkins
DCCC Veterans Ad


6-28-07 President
Richardson (D), Kucinich (D), Dodd (D), Clinton (D)


5-30-07 President
Richardson (D), Anti-Bush (D), Dodd (D), Thompson (R)


5-17-07 President
Edwards (D), Richardson (D), Giuliani (R)


4-25-07 President
Anti-Clinton (D)


3-7-07 President
Romney (R), Hunter (R)


2-16-07 President
Obama (D), McCain (R)


11-16-06 110th Congress

11-7-06 MD Senate
Cardin (D), Steele (R)


10-25-06 NY CD 26
Davis (D), Reynolds (R)


10-12-06 TX CD 17
Edwards (D), Taylor (R)


10-5-06 NY CD 20
Gillibrand (D), Sweeney (R)


9-14-06 MO Senate
McCaskill (D), Talent (R)


7-27-06 CT Senate
Lamont (D), Lieberman (I)


6-29-06 IA Gubernatorial
Culver (D), Nussle (R)


6-15-06 AZ Senate
Pederson (D), Kyl (R)


5-18-06 CA CD 50
Busby (D), Bilbray (R)


5-4-06 PA Gubernatorial
Swann (R)


4-19-06 Abramoff

3-30-06 MI Gubernatorial
DeVos (R)



Wilson Research Strategies and The Hill Ad Review - Blog


 

Archive for the ‘polling’ Category

For the GOP, Insiders Finish Last

Wednesday, July 7th, 2010

WRS is happy to post a guest post by Field Strategist Amelia T. Chasse.

Last week, Sen. Lindsey Graham predicted that the Tea Party movement would “die out” in the near future. Graham is probably keeping his fingers crossed that his prediction becomes reality before his 2012 re-election campaign, as the strength of Tea Party is creating difficulties for incumbents and political insiders like the South Carolina Senator. Take Graham’s close friend and Senate ally, John McCain, for example. Two years ago, the perennially popular Arizona Senator was the Republican nominee for President. Now, McCain is facing a difficult primary challenge in the form of Tea Party-backed J.D. Hayworth, who as been able to energize the state’s increasingly conservative base and successfully portray McCain as a spineless moderate.

Voters won’t decide McCain’s fate until August 24th, but the 2010 primary season has already seen its share of upset losses for political insiders. In April, Florida Governor Charlie Crist announced his withdrawal from the state’s Republican Senate primary to run as an Independent. The moderate Governor faced an almost certain loss to Tea Party-backed Marco Rubio, so he chose to opt out and take his chances as a third party candidate rather than suffer a humiliating primary defeat. The trend continued in the Kentucky Senate primary in May with activist Rand Paul’s insurgent victory over Secretary of State Trey Grayson.

Those who attributed Paul’s victory to a famous father and a conservative electorate got a wake up call on June 8th, when California voters nominated businesswomen Carly Fiorina and Meg Whitman over former Congressman Tom Campbell and state Insurance Commissioner Steve Poizner in the respective Senate and Gubernatorial primaries. The same day, Nevada and Maine, two states generally rife with moderate Republicans, both nominated Tea Partiers in key primaries contrary to the predictions of the most recent polls. In Nevada, activist Sharron Angle beat former State GOP Chairwoman Sue Lowden to take on Sen. Harry Reid in November, and small town Mayor Paul LePage’s insurgent, below-the-radar campaign came out on top against well-known state Senator Peter Mills and two millionaire self-funders in the Pine Tree State’s gubernatorial primary.

The next major test of this emerging pattern could be the August 10th Colorado Senate primary, where activist Ken Buck seems poised to beat former Governor Jane Norton; a recent Survey USA poll has him up by sixteen points.

Many, like Sen. Graham, chalk up the strength of the Tea Party to the anger-fueled “throw the bums out” mentality that is gripping the GOP electorate in the wake of the Obama administration’s liberal policy initiatives. While that dynamic certainly plays a major role, it does not account for the fact that insiders aren’t the only candidates being defeated en masse by Tea Partiers. Businessmen candidates, whom many analysts predicted would be strong in 2010 due to the troubled economy, are also falling short when faced with conservative activist opponents. Several of the contests mentioned above included at least one competitive candidate running on private-sector business credentials. Las Vegas businessman Danny Tarkanian finished in third place in Nevada, and Maine’s LePage also defeated well-funded businessmen Les Otten and Bruce Poliquin.

California is an interesting exception, with two pragmatic former CEOs emerging as the GOP nominees for Senate and Governor. Whitman did not have a Tea Party challenger in her race, but Fiorina took on activist Chuck DeVore, who finished third. A possible explanation is that, historically, only moderate Republicans have been able to get elected in the Golden State, leading GOP voters to be more strategic about their choices. Additionally, California’s notoriously expensive media market requires candidates to be extremely well-funded to be competitive, and both Fiorina and Whitman were able to pour millions of their own money into their primary bids, which their competitors could not match.

The lesson to be drawn from California is that the Tea Party draws its strength from right-wing grassroots activism and candidates who excel at retail politics, and thus is at its least effective in states that trend moderate and rely heavily on the wholesale politics of paid media. However, even in those states, the electorate is still choosing political outsiders.

With the 2010 election season about to go into full swing, these primary races provide an opportunity to take the temperature of likely voters, which aids political analysts in predicting the outcome of the races ahead, and candidates in refining their messages to appeal to the electorate. At the very least, the GOP primaries to date have made it clear that the Tea Party will play a major role in this election cycle, so pundits may want to revise their earlier assessments about the legitimacy and effectiveness of the movement, and incumbents and insider candidates may want to reconsider running on past experience, and pivot to talk about what they will do for the future.

Amelia Chasse can be reached at atchasse@gmail.com.

Gallup: Federal Hiring Creates Distortions

Wednesday, July 7th, 2010

Job Creation at Best Level of Year, but Federal Hiring Creates Distortions

Gallup’s Job Creation Index, a separate measure of the job market based on the self-reports of working Americans concerning their employers, was at +8 in June — its highest level since October 2008. Twenty-nine percent of employees last month reported that their employers are hiring, while 21% said their employers are letting people go.

Job Creation, December 2009-June 2010 Trend

As Gallup has reported, hiring reports vary between government and nongovernment workers, and by level of government as employer. Specifically, a higher percentage of federal employees than of state and local employees or nongovernment workers reported that their employers were hiring in June. However, federal employees were more likely in June than in May to report that people were being let go — probably as temporary census workers were finishing up. As a result, the Job Creation Index was higher for the nongovernment sector last month than for the federal government — a major change from April and May.

Job Creation Index, by Type of Employer, April-June 2010 Trend

Statistical analysis based on Gallup’s underemployment rate and Job Creation Index suggests the Bureau of Labor Statistics Friday morning will report a June unemployment rate in the 9.5% to 9.7% range, depending on the seasonal adjustments and size of the workforce. This contrasts with the consensus expectation of a slight increase in the U.S. unemployment rate, to 9.8%.

Of course, the jobs situation is somewhat muddied by the recent hiring and then letting go of several hundred thousand new, temporary census workers. Gallup Daily tracking data seem to be picking up, at least in part, this hiring and then departure of these temporary federal employees during recent months. However, Gallup’s Job Creation Index reflects only the percentage of employers hiring and firing, but does not attempt to measure the magnitude of such hiring and firing.

In this regard, ADP reported Wednesday that private-sector jobs grew by just 13,000 in June — far less than the markets expected, and bad news for an already shaky stock market. The increase in jobless claims on Thursday added to the negative jobs picture. Further, Gallup’s job creation data suggest that state and local governments continue to let go far more employees than they are currently hiring. So, it is possible that the unemployment rate would decline on Friday while job growth (based on the establishment survey), excluding federal census takers, could be anemic — somewhat similar to what happened in May.

Whatever the government reports on Friday, the nation needs to increase its focus on private-sector job creation — and include not only the unemployed but also the underemployed. Despite perceptions of a poor job market, the percentage of underemployed Americans who are hopeful that they will find work in the next four weeks now stands at 42%.

Percentage of Conservatives on the Rise

Wednesday, June 30th, 2010

In the latest Gallup survey, results show that more Americans identify themselves as politically conservative more so today than in the last 18 years.  Gallup has been tracking this trend for over two decades - see their charts below:

Seven in 10 Republicans continue to call themselves conservative, similar to 2009, while most of the remaining Republicans identify as moderate. Since 2002, however, the percentage conservative has increased by 10 points.

2000-2010 Political Ideology Trend -- Among Republicans

Independents today are slightly more likely to say they are moderate than conservative, with fewer than 20% identifying as liberal. While this is similar to 2009, it represents an increase in conservatism among this group since 2008.

2000-2010 Political Ideology Trend -- Among Independents

Bottom Line

The ideological orientation of Americans seen thus far in 2010 would represent a record-high level of conservatism (since at least 1992) if it is maintained for the full year. This follows an increase in the percentage of conservatives in 2009 that was fueled by heightened conservatism among independents, a pattern that continues today.

Obama Approval Rating on Oil Spill

Wednesday, June 23rd, 2010

See below an interesting chart on President Obama’s approval rating regarding his handling of the gulf oil spill.  The data reflects an average of all publically released survey results on the matter.

GOP voters’ Enthusiasm Higher than 1994

Monday, June 21st, 2010

New Gallup data released this morning shows that the enthusiasm of voters identifying themselves as Republican is significantly higher than it was in 1994 when the GOP won dozens of seats to take control of Congress.

Enthusiasm is directly linked to turn-out.  The more enthusiastic an electorate, the more likely they are to vote.  In this case, Republicans are most likely to vote party-line giving the GOP a boost at the ballot boxes in November.  This phenomenon will flip a number of swing-districts back to Republicans, but is it enough to give the GOP enough wins to take back Congress?

While Democratic voters are less enthusiastic than their Republican counterparts, the lack of interest is not as low as it was in 1994.  One could argue that this is enough Democratic interest to be competitive.  However, the Republicans maintain a 15-point lead in enthusiasm this year (59% - 44%) and only a 10-point lead (42% - 32%) in 1994.  So, this lead could make the difference.  But, will it be enough?

Republicans must still run strong races.  That requires raising money, running strong ads, targeting swing populations, and getting their people to the polls.  The enthusiasm boost will help bring in more money and allow Victory operations to spend less to get people out to the polls, but we shouldn’t take for granted that Republicans will automatically turn-out.

The Latest Polling

Wednesday, June 16th, 2010

New data covering some of the key races around the country is hitting the public domain.  Here are the latest seven:

 

CA-Sen:  Cross Target for Pajamas Media (6/13; 600 likely CA voters)

 

Sen. Barbara Boxer (D)      47%

Carly Fiorina (R)                  47%

 

This is a small-sample poll, but certainly in range with other released data.  Most of those, however, show Sen. Boxer with a slight lead.

 

CA-Gov:

 

Jerry Brown (D)                  46%

Meg Whitman (R)               43%

 

Cross Target also tested the Governor’s race and likewise came away with similar results to other more established firms.

 

IL-Sen:  Public Policy Polling (6/12-13; 552 likely IL voters)

 

Alexi Giannoulias (D)           31%

Mark Kirk (R)                         30%

LeAlan Jones (Green)          14%

 

The flap over Kirk’s military record has certainly cost him.  The respondents view both Giannoulias and Kirk with a poor 23:31 personal favorability ratio.  The big mover is Green Party candidate Jones.  It remains to be seen if the Independent’s double-digit showing will hold.

 

LA-Sen:  (Magellan Strategies for the Vitter campaign; 6/10-13; 1,030 likely LA voters)

 

Sen. David Vitter (R)            51%

Charlie Melancon (D)           31%

 

Approval over handling Gulf oil spill:

 

President Obama:                31% approve; 60% disapprove

Gov. Jindal:                            66% approve; 21% disapprove

 

Vitter is looking strong is this poll, but another one (Public Policy Polling) soon to be released, apparently shows the race to be within high single-digits.  Obviously, President Obama and Gov. Jindal are viewed completely differently in the context of grading their responses to the Gulf oil spill. Additionally, the polling sample overwhelmingly still supports off-shore drilling - 72-15% in favor of continuing to explore in the Gulf.

 

NC-8:  (Public Policy Polling - 6/10-13; 400 likely NC-8 voters)

 

Rep. Larry Kissell (D)           48%

Tim D’Annunzio (R)               26%

 

Rep. Larry Kissell (D)           41%

Harold Johnson (R)               35%

 

Rep. Larry Kissell (D)           40%

Harold Johnson (R)               30%

Wendell Fant (I)                     14%

 

Both sides are in chaos.  The Republicans have a difficult run-off to settle on June 22nd, with the entire GOP leadership supporting, and raising funds for, Johnson.  The SEIU, unhappy with Kissell’s vote against the healthcare legislation, filed 34,000 signature petitions for former Kissell staff member Fant, who hasn’t confirmed that he will run.  He is likely to qualify for the ballot since the valid signature requirement is only 17,000.

POLL: South Dakota Incumbent Down 12 Points

Tuesday, June 15th, 2010

Election 2010: South Dakota House of Representatives

South Dakota House: Primary Victory Bounces Noem (R) Into Lead Over Herseth-Sandlin (D)

Monday, June 14, 2010

http://www.rasmussenreports.com/public_content/politics/elections/election_2010/election_2010_house_of_representatives_election/south_dakota/election_2010_south_dakota_house_of_representatives

When challengers take on an incumbent member of Congress, they almost always get a bounce in the polls following a victory in a contested primary. That appears to be the case in South Dakota following State Representative Kristi Noem’s Republican Primary victory last Tuesday which earns her the right to challenge Congresswoman Stephanie Herseth-Sandlin.

The latest Rasmussen Reports statewide telephone survey, conducted two nights after the primary, finds Noem attracting 53% of the vote, while Herseth-Sandlin earns just 41%. Just five percent (5%) prefer some other candidate or are undecided.

Prior to the primary, the incumbent held a three-point advantage over Noem. In April, Noem trailed by 15 points. It remains to be seen whether the bounce reflects a temporary aberration or signals a lasting change in the race.

Incumbents who poll below 50% are considered potentially vulnerable, and Herseth-Sandlin has been below that mark all year. However, incumbents have many benefits that can help them finish strong in an election season. In 2008, Rasmussen Reports showed two GOP senators, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky and Elizabeth Dole of North Carolina, as potentially vulnerable following the selection of their primary opponents. McConnell ended up winning reelection with 53% of the vote, while Dole went down to defeat.

Herseth-Sandlin, who was reelected with 67% of the vote in 2008, helped lay the groundwork for a fall campaign by voting against the president’s health care bill earlier this year. Sixty-six percent (66%) of South Dakota voters favor repeal of that law. That’s a bit higher than the national support for repeal.

Noem earns 75% support from those voters who Strongly Favor repeal of the health care bill. Herseth-Sandlin gets 75% of the vote of those who are Strongly Opposed.

This statewide telephone survey of 500 Likely Voters in South Dakota was conducted on June 10, 2010 by Rasmussen Reports. The margin of sampling error is +/-4.5 percentage points with a 95% level of confidence. Field work for all Rasmussen Reports surveys is conducted by Pulse Opinion Research, LLC. See methodology.

Noem leads by more than 20 points among voters not affiliated with either major party.

Twenty-six percent (26%) of all South Dakota voters have a Very Favorable opinion of Herseth-Sandlin, who has been the state’s sole member of the House since June 2004. Seventeen percent (17%) view her Very Unfavorably. Both figures are up three percentage points since the primary.

Noem is viewed Very Favorably by 34%, way up from 19% before her primary victory. Only seven percent (7%) currently have a Very Unfavorable view of the GOP nominee.

At this stage of the campaign, Rasmussen Reports considers the very favorable and very unfavorable figures more significant than the overall favorability totals.

Twenty-four percent (24%) of South Dakota voters consider themselves part of the Tea Party movement, while 58% do not.

Noem wins 82% of the Tea Party vote. Herseth-Sandlin leads 55% to 38% among those who are not affiliated with the Tea Party.

Forty-nine percent (49%) of South Dakota voters say the Tea Party movement is good for the nation, but 27% think it’s bad for the country.

Herseth-Sandlin can’t count on a lot of help from her party leader. Just 40% of South Dakota voters approve of the way that Barack Obama is handling his role as president. That’s below the national level of approval as measured by the Rasmussen Reports daily Presidential Tracking Poll.

In 2008, Rasmussen Reports projected nationally that Obama would defeat John McCain by a 52% to 46% margin. Obama won 53% to 46%. Four years earlier, Rasmussen Reports projected the national vote totals for both George W. Bush and John Kerry within half-a-percentage-point.

In South Dakota, Rasmussen Reports projected that McCain would defeat Obama by a 53% to 44% margin. McCain won 53% to 45%. In that same year, the final Rasmussen poll showed Senator Tim Johnson with a 54% to38% lead over Joel Dykstra. Johnson won 62% to 38%.

In 2004, Rasmussen Reports was the first to show John Thune ahead of Tom Daschle. The final Rasmussen poll showed Thune winning 49% to 46%. Thune won 51% to 49%. Also in 2004, the final Rasmussen poll showed Herseth leading Lawrence Diedrich 49% to 47%. Herseth won 53% to 46%.

Poll shows Mike Lee leading by 9 in Utah Senate race

Friday, June 11th, 2010

A WRS poll shows client Mike Lee well-positioned in the upcoming June 22nd US Senate primary in Utah.

Here is the release from the campaign:

June 11, 2010 – Alpine, Utah – In a recent poll conducted this past Tuesday night, Mike Lee, candidate for U.S. Senate, leads Tim Bridgewater by nine percentage points; 39% Lee, 30% Bridgewater, 31% Undecided.

Chris Wilson of Wilson Research Strategies (WRS), who fielded the survey, wrote, “As voters compare the two choices, they are choosing Mike Lee by nearly a double-digit margin.” He continued, “Lee is even stronger among those who know the most about the two candidates, including those who hold favorable opinions of both.”

memorandum from WRS shows Mike Lee with an eleven point lead over Bridgewater with likely voters who think favorably of both candidates, which is a key measurement, especially in primary elections.

“I’m encouraged with the news, but by no means is the campaign letting up, with twelve days to go, there is still a lot of campaigning ahead as I share my plan to reign in spending, balance the budget and repeal Obama’s unconstitutional health care bill,” said Mike Lee.

Campaign Manager Jonathan Reid expounded on the Lee’s campaign current efforts, “The campaign is working hard, making thousands of calls each night reminding Utahns they can vote early. If you don’t know where to vote, check with your county clerk to find the closest early voting location.”

News of the poll has been picked up by Redstate and The Hill.

The WRS polling memo showing the results of the poll is available for download here.

AR-3: Steve Womack and NV-3: Joe Heck - winners

Wednesday, June 9th, 2010

Congratulations to WRS clients Joe Heck in Nevada’s 3rd Congressional district and Steve Womack in Arkansas’ 3rd Congressional district for their victories last night. 

Dr. Joe Heck cruised in the NV-3, garnering 70% of the Republican primary vote.  He will face first term Congresswoman Dina Titus, in what will be one of the closest watching Congressional races in the country this cycle. 

WRS poll taken March 24th - 25th had Heck topping Titus 40%-35% in a survey of 400 likely 2010 general election voters.  The race has been rated a TOSS UP by political prognosticators and Dr. Heck boasts a very compelling narrative compared to Titus, who has been a pawn of the current Democrat leadership.

After taking first place in the Arkansas primary on May 18th, Steve Womack won the Republican nomination for the 3rd Congressional district in yesterday’s runoff election by a 52% - 48% margin.  The Cook Partisan Voting Index for Arkansas’ 3rd Congressional district is R+16 and Womack faces nominal opposition from the Democrats.  Steve Womack will be the next Congressman from AR-3, replacing US Senate Candidate John Boozman.

Cell Phone-only Households

Tuesday, June 1st, 2010

Great article from pollster.com on the rapid increase of cell phone-only households and the problems pollsters are having with this group.  WRS utilizes the RBS (Registration Based Sampling) technique, which makes it easier to capture cell-phone only voters either through their voter registration or through a subsequent phone-match.

Cell Phones and Coverage Bias


Last Thursday the Pew Research Center released an analysis drawing on their extensive ongoing investigation of the impact of the growing cell-phone only population on conventional telephone surveys. It is a must read for anyone in the polling business. You may have also seen commentary on the report on Monday by Nate Silver and Chris Bowers, but I’d like to add a few thoughts.

For those new to it, the crux of the issue is that telephone surveys have traditionally relied on samples of landline telephone numbers. Unfortunately, the explosion of cell phone usage over the last 10 years places a rapidly growing number of “cell phone only” Americans out of reach of those surveys. In pollster lingo, this is a “coverage” problem. A lack of coverage will result in statistical bias if the out-of-reach segment of the population is both large and different from the rest.

What’s new in this latest Pew report is the growing evidence of just such bias. Specifically:

  • The growth in cell-phone only households continues unchecked. The latest estimates from the National Center for Health Statistics shows that 25% of households (and 23% of adults) have cell phone service but no landline (another 2% of households have no telephone service at all). The cell-phone-only population has doubled (from 12% of adults) in just three years.
  • The side-by-side comparisons by the Pew Research Center, which has interviewed respondents on both landline and cell phones since 2006, now show non-coverage bias “appearing regularly” on landline-only surveys that have been fully weighted to correct for demographic imbalances:

Of 72 questions examined [Since August 2009], 43 show differences of 0, 1 or 2 percentage points between the landline and dual frame weighted samples. Twenty-nine of the differences are 3 percentage points or more, all of which are statistically significant. Only one difference is as large as 7 points, while four others are 5 points and seven are 4 points.

  • The Pew Research analysts are also confident that “the bias has grown in the last four years.” In 2006, they did 46 similar comparisons and found not a single difference that exceeded two percentage points.
  • Last but not least, the bias appears to extend to one very critical political measure for 2010 (emphasis added):

Weighted estimates from the landline sample tend to slightly underestimate support for Democratic candidates when compared with estimates from dual frame landline and cell samples in polling for the midterm congressional elections this year. The same result was seen in Pew Research Center polls throughout the 2008 presidential election. In the landline sample, Republican candidates have a 47%-to-41% margin over Democratic candidates on the 2010 generic horserace, but in the combined sample voters are evenly divided in their candidate preferences for this November (44% for each party).

Two big cautions about that last bullet. First, the 2010 generic horserace comparison is based on just one survey from March that involved a landline sample of 1,442 registered voters and combined landline-cellphone sample of 2,070 (of whom, just 191 registered voters were cell-phone-only). While it is consistent with similar comparisons in 2008 and 2010 based on far more interviews, is possible that random variation exaggerated the bias in this single measurement.

Second, although the apparent bias is consistent with what the Pew Center found on other measures in 2008, another Pew Research report found no clear evidence the the bias led to greater polling errors in statewide polling in 2008, virtually all of which was conducted over landlines only: “[T]he average candidate error for [237 polls in statewide] races was 1.9 percentage points, about the same as in 2004 (1.7 percentage points).”

But the history of largely unbiased statewide and national polling in 2008 is no guarantee of a repeat performance in 2010, particularly given the rapid increase in the cell-phone only population. While some statewide pollsters — most notably Quinnipiac University — are planning to interview using “dual frame” surveys that interview over both landline and cell phones this year, the vast majority of pollsters will not.

Why not? Calling by cell phone adds considerable expense and runs up against a federal law that bars pollsters from dialing a cell phone using any automated means. For live-interviewer polls, that means more time consuming hand dialing of cell phone numbers. For those using an automated method — like SurveyUSA, Rasmussen and PPP — the regulation is a total barrier. The automated (IVR) pollsters simply cannot interview respondents by cell phone.

It is also worth reviewing the concluding “discussion” section of the Pew Research report for their review of why “dual frame” surveys of both landline and cell phones provide “no panacea for the coverage problem.” The Pew Center estimates that in addition to the 23% of adults that are “cell-phone-only,” another 17% are now “cell-phone mostly” — Americans with both kinds of phone service who say they rely on cell phones for most of their calling. A survey that relies on cell phone sample to reach just the 23% with cell phones only may still under-represent cell-phone mostlys.

Finally, thoughts on some suggestions Nate Silver made on Monday:

Another approach, in the absence of calling cellphones, is to increase the sample size that one uses. Although there’s not that much difference between calling an unbiased sample of 500 respondents or 1,000 (the associated margins of error are 4.4 points and 3.1 points, respectively), these differences are magnified if one relies upon upweighting results from smaller subsamples to correct for response bias, such as those for young voters or Hispanics.

Finally, pollsters might want to consider weighting based on “non-traditional” criteria such as urban/rural status, technology usage, or perhaps even media consumption habits.

If you read that quickly, it may have sounded as if simply doing more interviews would eliminate the sort of bias that the Pew Center report describes. I don’t think that’s the point Nate was trying to make, but just so there’s no confusion: If the sample has coverage bias, it doesn’t matter whether you do 500 interviews, 1,000 interviews or 100,000. More interviews won’t fix the bias.

That said, pollsters are already weighting their samples more severely than ever before to compensate for the purely demographic bias caused by the cell-phone only coverage problem. Bigger and more severe weighting makes for more random error. Pollsters should be increasing their reported “margin of error” to account for the additional “design effect” of all that extra weighting. Unfortunately, few do (but that’s another story for another day).

If pollsters can find newer non-traditional weighting schemes that can correct the sort of coverage bias described in the Pew report, those schemes will likely involve weights that are, for some respondents, even bigger and more severe. So Nate is right in recommending larger sample sizes to reduce the effectively larger “margins of error” (that have absolutely nothing to do with coverage bias).

Finally, I ran his suggestion for “non-traditional” weighting by Pew Center’s Leah Christian. First, Pew already weights by what is effectively an urban/rural measure: the population density of the respondent’s county. Second, they are wary of weighting by technology usage or media consumption:

The main issue with weighting to technology use or media consumption is the lack of reliable national parameters. In theory, someone could produce estimates from another survey that could then be used to weight a landline survey, but the reliability of these would depend a lot on the quality of the sample from the original survey and the stability of the estimates over time. Technology use and media consumption are much more variable over time (unlike many standard demographics), and I would have many of the same concerns as weighting to party identification.

My point here is not to discourage innovation but to offer a reality check. When it comes to coverage bias, there are no easy answers. The very big changes in telephone usage are increasingly challenging our ability to obtain representative samples via telephone.